The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) of the Musina Makhado Special Economic Zone (SEZ) is touted by the government to be the new “regional economic epicentre” much like other mega-projects in the Global South.
Many of these projects drain the fiscus with heavy infrastructural requirements, heighten foreign extraction of resources and raise carbon pollution levels. Multinational companies, endorsed by governments for the fiscal kickbacks, commit to alleviate people’s poverty where the primary goal is to shift their need for Africa’s rich mineral resources and to offset their national carbon footprint.
The Musina Makhado SEZ, or MMSEZ as it is now called by the government, is a perfect case in point. The zone will be the first in South Africa to be operated by a foreign (Chinese) company, Shenzhen Hoi Mor. The company has committed to investing $3.8-billion to its operational success. This will mean an unprecedented level of foreign control. To make matters worse, of the proposed industries in the metallurgical cluster, nearly all of them are carbon intensive, environmentally destructive and a threat to the livelihoods of communities in the medium term, as even the EIA admits they are environmentally red-flag carbon dioxide emitters.
The proposed list of industries includes a coal washery, a coking plant, a thermal plant, a ferrochrome plant, a ferromanganese plant, stainless steel, high manganese steel and high vanadium steel plants as well as lime and cement plants. The total pollution effect on the ecologically sensitive Vhembe district is devastating, with knock-on effects for the entire province and even neighbouring Zimbabwe.
The high-level EIA, as it is called, was completed by Delta Built Environment Consultants (Delta BEC) and made public on 1 September 2020. While admitting the environmentally harmful nature of the SEZ, the document is self-justificatory.
The EIA assessment glosses over the endemic water scarcity issues in the Limpopo Valley stating: “… (i)f insufficient water is available in the catchment, and the social and economic opportunities offered by the SEZ operation are sufficiently attractive, additional water may be brought in from a neighbouring catchment”.
Although not unexpected, but still shocking, is the lack of community inclusion in the public participation process which, conveniently, was orchestrated during lockdown. All large-scale developmental initiatives, especially those with huge effects on communities, should abide by the principle endorsed by the United Nations Human Rights Council to expressly safeguard the rights of indigenous people, by “free, prior and informed consent” so that those affected participate from an informed base.
It is blatantly obvious that newspaper announcements are not enough to advertise a public participation process in remote areas such as Limpopo province. This is expressly articulated in the public participation guidelines published by the department of environmental affairs (1998) where it states “…ultimately, mechanisms may be used for engagement or even notification purposes must suitably allow for engagement of all I&APs [interested and affected parties] who may be illiterate or disabled or who may have any other disadvantage”.
EIAs the world over commonly overlook this commitment and the one in question is no exception. Although five meetings were held in total, public participation was minimal. The events were advertised in only two newspapers, one of which is not widely read in the Musina-Makhado area. Also, lockdown restrictions at the time allowed only 50 people to attend meetings.
